Roger Scruton: Plea to establish underground universities

Hence, despite their innate aspiration to membership, young people are told at university that they come from nowhere and belong to nothing: that all preexisting forms of membership are null and void. They are offered a rite of passage into cultural nothingness, since this is the only way to achieve the egalitarian goal. They are given, in place of the old beliefs of a civilization based on godliness, judgment, and distinction, the new beliefs of a society based in equality and inclusion; they are told that the judgment of other lifestyles is a crime. If the purpose were merely to substitute one belief system for another, it would be open to rational debate. But the purpose is to substitute one community for another.

But what is the alternative? If the universities do not propagate the culture that was once entrusted to them, where else can young people go in search of it? Some thoughts in answer to that question were suggested by experiences that began for me in 1979. The writings of Foucault, Deleuze, and Bourdieu were then beginning to make waves at the University of London, where I taught. My students were being told on every side that there is no such thing as knowledge in the humanities and that universities exist not to justify culture as a form of knowledge but to unmask it as a form of power.

In response I asked myself what exactly I was trying to teach, and why. By introducing students to the great works of philosophy, literature, and criticism that I had absorbed at school and university, I felt that I was offering them the frame of reference, the store of speculations, the paradigms of insight and allusion, through which to understand their world. I was offering them membership in a culture, not as a body of doctrine but as an ongoing conversation. And this, I felt, was a form of real knowledge: not knowledge of facts and theories, but knowledge of what to feel, how to relate, and with whom to belong. Yet this body of knowledge, as I assumed it to be, was now dismissed as bourgeois ideology, or—in Foucault’s idiom—as the episteme, the accumulated savoir, of a dominating class.

One day an invitation came to me, by word of mouth, to address an underground seminar in Prague. I accepted; as a result, I was brought into contact with people for whom the pursuit of knowledge and culture was not a dispensable luxury but a necessity. Nothing else could provide them with what they sought, which was an escape route from the world of lies by which they were surrounded. And by discussing the Western cultural heritage among themselves, they were marked out as heretics, who risked arrest and imprisonment merely for meeting as they did. Ironically, perhaps the greatest intellectual achievement of the Communist party was to convince people that Plato’s distinction between knowledge and opinion is a valid one, and that ideological opinion is not merely distinct from knowledge but the enemy of knowledge, the disease implanted in the human brain that makes it impossible to distinguish true ideas from false ones. That was the disease spread by the Party. And it was spread by Foucault, too. For it was Foucault who taught my colleagues to evaluate every idea, every argument, every institution, convention, or tradition in terms of the “domination” that it masks. Truth and falsehood had no real significance in Foucault’s world; all that mattered was power.

These issues had been brought into sharp relief for the Czechs and Slovaks by ­Václav Havel’s essay “The Power of the Powerless” (1978), enjoining his compatriots to “live in truth.” How could they do that, if they were unable to distinguish the true from the false? And how could they distinguish the true from the false without the benefit of real culture and real knowledge? Hence the search for those things had become urgent. And the price of that search was high—harassment, arrest, deprivation of ordinary rights and privileges, and a life on the margins of society. When something has a high moral price, only committed people will pursue it. I therefore found, in the underground seminars, a unique student body—people dedicated to ­knowledge, as I understood it, and aware of the ease and the danger of replacing knowledge with mere opinion. Moreover, they were looking for knowledge in the place where it is most necessary and also hardest to find—in philosophy, history, art, and literature, in the places where critical understanding, rather than scientific method, is our only guide. And what was most interesting to me was the urgent desire among all my new students to inherit what had been handed down to them. They had been raised in a world where all forms of belonging, other than submission to the ruling Party, had been marginalized or denounced as crimes. They understood instinctively that a cultural heritage is precious, precisely because it offers a rite of passage into the thing that you truly are and the community of feeling that is yours.

There was another winsome feature of the underground seminars, which is that their intellectual resources were so sparse. Academics in the West are obliged to publish articles and books if they are to advance in their careers, and in the years since the Second World War this had led to a proliferation of literature that, if not always second-rate from the intellectual point of view, has almost invariably been without literary merit—stodgy, cluttered with footnotes, without telling imagery or turns of phrase, and both ephemeral in content and impossible to ignore. The weight of this pseudo-literature oppresses both teachers and students in the humanities, and it is now all but impossible to unearth the classics that lie buried beneath it.

I sometimes think that the greatest service to our culture was done by the person who set fire to the library at Alexandria, thereby ensuring that nothing survived of that mass of literature, other than those works considered so precious that each educated person would have a copy of his own. The communists had performed a similar service to intellectual life in Czechoslovakia, by preventing the publication of anything save those works deemed so precious that people were prepared to produce them in laborious samizdat editions. These would be passed from hand to hand and read with eager interest by people for whom knowledge, rather than career advancement, was the goal. How refreshing this was, after the life among academic journals and footling footnotes!

Of course, the circumstances of the underground seminars were unusual and nobody would want to reproduce them. Nevertheless, during the ten years that I worked with others to turn these private reading groups into a structured (if clandestine) university, I learned two very important truths. The first is that a cultural inheritance really is a body of knowledge and not a collection of opinions—knowledge of the human heart, and of the long-term vision of a human community. The second is that this knowledge can be taught, and that it does not require a vast investment of money to do this, certainly not the $50,000 per student per year that is demanded by an Ivy League university. It requires a handful of books that have passed the test of time and are treasured by all who truly study them. It requires teachers with knowledge and students eager to acquire it. And it requires the continuing attempt to express what one has learned, either in essays or in the face-to-face encounter with a critic. All the rest—administration, information technology, lecture halls, libraries, extracurricular resources—is, by comparison, an insignificant luxury.

When institutions are incurably corrupted, as the universities were corrupted under communism, we must begin again, even if the cost is as high as it was in Soviet-occupied Europe. For us the cost is not so high. The most precious gift of our civilization, and the one that was most under threat during the twentieth century, is the freedom to associate. Because this freedom still exists, and nowhere more than in America, the fact that we can no longer entrust our high culture to the universities matters less. The fate of Harvard and Yale is inevitably of general concern; but there are also places like St. John’s College in Annapolis, or Hillsdale College in Michigan, where people who believe in the old curriculum are prepared to teach it. There are private reading groups, online courses, associations of scholars, think tanks, and public-lecture series. There are institutions like the Intercollegiate Studies Institute, which offers a rescue service for students beaten down by political correctness. There are journals like this one, which serve as a focal point for discussions that, after all, do not need a university in order to take place. It seems to me that we have allowed ourselves to be intimidated into the belief that, because universities have libraries, laboratories, learned professors, and substantial endowments, they are also indispensable repositories of knowledge. In the sciences this is true. But it is no longer true in the humanities.

However, the way forward is not as clear as the defenders of the old curriculum would like it be. Great Books programs, surveys of our cultural heritage, the comparative study of Western art, music, and architecture—all these are obvious choices. But why? What is it that distinguishes those programs from the courses in pop music, strip cartoons, and gender studies that so easily step in to replace them? To say that the traditional curriculum contained real knowledge as opposed to ephemeral distractions is to beg the question. For we don’t know what knowledge really consists in. We feel it, of course, as my Czech students felt it. We feel the call of the culture that is ours, and we want to say that, in responding to this call, we are leaving the world of opinion and entering the world of knowledge. But why?

Answers to date are either trivial—as when ­Matthew Arnold tells us, in Culture and Anarchy, that a high culture consists of the “best that has been thought and said”—or else some version of the Enlightenment view that cultural knowledge involves transcending the particular into the universal, replacing our constricted loyalties and imagined communities with some cosmopolitan ideal. And it is a small step from this Enlightenment position to the multicultural and egalitarian curriculum that espouses the human universal only because everything distinctive of a real cultural inheritance has been removed from it. Until we come up with something better than those two approaches, we will not, I suspect, escape the grip of the universities, or feel confident enough to start again without them.

https://www.firstthings.com/article/2015/04/the-end-of-the-university

A German defends himself against Afghan thugs and is therefore facing investigation proceedings

A few days ago another incident took place in which we had to make everyday arrangements with migrants. The location was Hennigsdorf in the state of Brandenburg. A so-called “cultural conflict” broke out in a station tunnel, a German dared to reprimand two Afghans for loud music.The guests from the Hindu Kush didn’t hesitate for long and got rowdy, with one of the guests giving the “one who has been living here for a longer time” (this is how Chancellor Angela Merkel calls “ethnic Germans”) a lesson in combat power.

The rebellious German defended himself with ” defence spray” in the emergency situation and got a preliminary investigation for “serious” bodily injury.

This is the wording of the police report on the incident:

A 20-year-old as well as a 23-year-old Afghan man were in the station tunnel on Monday ( July 13, 2020) around 4.45 pm and were listening there very loud music. A 33-year-old German approached the two Afghans and told them to turn down the music. The Afghans then bullied the German and the 20-year-old punched the German in the face.The 33-year-old took a defensive spray and sprayed it against the Afghans. He then escaped and called the police. A charge of assault was filed against the 20-year-old, and an investigation was initiated against the 33-year-old for dangerous bodily harm. The Afghans were treated as outpatients on site by paramedics.

politikstube.com/hennigsdorf-deutscher-wehrt-sich-gegen-afghanen-und-erntet-ermittlungsverfahren/

‘Death to Armenians’: Thousands Rally in Baku Demanding War with Armenia

Thousands of protesters took to the streets of Baku on Tuesday demanding war with Armenia
Thousands of protesters took to the streets of Baku on Tuesday demanding war with Armenia

“Death to Armenians” and “Order Us to Go to War” were some of the slogans being chanted on Tuesday night in Baku’s main Azadliq (Liberty) Square where thousands of protesters were demanding an all out war with Armenia, after 11 Azerbaijani soldiers, among a them a high-ranking general, were killed during three days of fighting after Azerbaijani forces attempted to breach the border with Armenia at Tavush Province on Sunday.

Observers are describing the Wednesday rally as one of the largest in Azerbaijan. The Turan news agency estimated the crowd to number at 50,000 who are angry at the losses suffered by Azerbaijani forces at the border and were calling for the government to declare war.

Before the protest was dispersed by police, a number of demonstrators briefly occupied the parliament building.

The lasted well into the early hours of Wednesday morning. Demonstrators chanted a number of pro-war slogans, including: “End the quarantine, start the war,” “order us to go to war,” “Hey soldier, get up and cross that border” and the tried and true Azerbaijani slogan: “Death to Armenians.”

In addition to chanting pro-war slogans, the protesters also called for the resignation of Najmaddin Sadigov the long-serving Armed Forces Chief of Staff and Deputy Defense Minister.

The demonstration comes as reports were confirmed that Azerbaijani units had surrounded their own villages on the border and were using civilians as human shields in their advance toward the Armenian border.

According to Azerbaijani media, a smaller gathering of several thousand people rallied in nearby Sumgait, where the body Major-General Polad Gashimov, the high-ranking Azerbaijani official killed on Monday, was due to arrive. Gashimov is reportedly the highest ranking member of Azerbaijan’s armed forced to be killed in combat since Azerbaijan broke away from the USSR.

Of course, Sumgait is the Azerbaijani city where thousands of Armenians were brutally massacred in 1988 after hundreds of thousands of Armenians in Stepanekert rose up to call for Artsakh’s reunification with Armenia–expressing their right to self-determination–sparking the Artsakh Liberation Movement.

Government officials arrived at the rally to try and calm the crowd, seemingly to no avail. At one point, protestors apparently overturned a police vehicle.

In the early hours of Wednesday, riot police moved in and began to disperse the crowds with batons and water cannons, making numerous arrests. Tear gas was also reportedly used. Reportedly, some 100 people were arrested.

http://asbarez.com/195350/death-to-armenians-thousands-rally-in-baku-demanding-war-with-armenia/?fbclid=IwAR1ezK4C_FpimyguxpWEU5pvzkcthYZO3cHu1DbZmPlr3uKf5zBX76svjG8

Statue of BLM protester replaces one of Bristol slave trader

Last month, during the Black Lives Matter protests, demonstrators in Bristol, England, threw the statue of slave trader Edward Colston into the River Avon. However, on Wednesday, a new statue depicting one of the BLM protesters appeared on the plinth of the removed statue.

The piece was created by British artist Marc Quinn, who was inspired by a photo posted on social media networks, which depicts the protester Jen Reid as she stepped on an empty plinth and raised her right fist.

“My friend … showed me a picture on Instagram of Jen standing on the plinth in Bristol with her fist in a Black Power salute,” said Quinn, who contacted Reid to get her permission to create the sculpture.

Quinn officially called his work A Surge of Power (Jen Reid) 2020. However, the sculpture, created from black resin, will probably not remain on the plinth as the artist did not discuss putting up the piece with local authorities.

Bristol Mayor Marvin Rees confirmed that the installation of the statue had not been requested or authorized by the city on his Twitter account.

However, Quinn has already prepared a back-up plan for the statue, intending to sell it and donate the profits to two charities that promote the inclusion of Black history in school curricula.

While many have praised the statue, some people on social media pointed out that the Black Lives Matter movement is also related to the attempts of the radical left to dismantle current economic and social structures.

“I find it hard to believe people with lifting gear erect that statue and nobody saw it, no CCTV captured anything? Something stinks in Bristol…its the wiping of history and culture and replacing it with a Marxist culture that’s never worked anywhere. Do something,” says one of the comments under the Bristol Mayor´s post.

rmx.news/article/article/statue-of-blm-protester-replaces-one-of-bristol-slave-trader

Big increase of Palestinian terrorist members, supporters in Germany

The number of members and supporters of the US and EU-designated terrorist organization the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) has dramatically increased in Germany, The Jerusalem Post can report.According to a review of the newly released German domestic intelligence service report, the number of PFLP members rose from 100 in 2018 to 120 in 2019. The intelligence report was released on Friday and covers the period of 2019.

The report noted that there are 120 PFLP “members/supporters in Germany.” An exact breakdown of members and supporters was not outlined. It is unclear what caused the 20% increase; the document provided no explanation.The Post has observed PFLP activity at the annual al-Quds march in Berlin that calls for the destruction of the Jewish state. The founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. created the al-Quds (Jerusalem) global rally.Writing in the Post in May, Jonathan Spyer, director of the Middle East Center for Reporting and Analysis, noted that “This growing PFLP-Iran connection is not a new revelation. It has been well reported in recent years.”The PFLP was founded in 1967 and is animated by a Marxist-Leninist doctrine coupled with radical Arab nationalism.The German intelligence officials wrote that the “PFLP rejects Israel’s existence” and “propagates an armed struggled” against Israel. According to the report, the terrorist group cooperates with other foreign terrorist jihadi political movements such as Hamas and Hezbollah.

The report said that the PFLP has carried out terrorist attacks resulting in victims. “And here the PFLP reveals its antisemitic character” by targeting Jewish Israelis, wrote the intelligence officials. It denies this antisemitism to the outside world.The PFLP is not active as a terrorist group in Germany, noted the report. However, it is unclear from the report if the PFLP members and supporters use Germany as a financial pipeline to send money to the group and other terrorist entities in the Middle East.“The supporters active here spread anti-Israel propaganda in particular and try to generate political support. The PFLP also maintains contacts with German left-wing extremism, especially with the Marxist-Leninist Party of Germany (MLPD) and the anti-imperialist spectrum,” wrote the authors.In 2014, two PFLP members murdered four rabbis and a police officer in a Jerusalem synagogue.While the EU and the US have labeled the PFLP a terrorist entity, Germany refuses to ban the group. The Post first reported in April that the German government issued a four-year travel ban against Khaled Barakat, a senior member of the PFLP who allegedly supports terrorism and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement against the Jewish state. Barakat has also provided material aid to the Lebanese terrorist movement Hezbollah. PFLP members and supporters are highly active in the German BDS campaign against Israel. 

jpost.com/international/big-increase-of-palestinian-terrorist-supporters-from-pflp-in-germany-635078?utm_source=iterable&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=1361246_

Portland Sacked by Barbarians

Antifa is considered a terrorist group because it employs violence in pursuit of political power. What will happen if they attain it? Portland suggests the answer. Thanks to fellow travelers like Mayor Ted Wheeler, Antifa wields almost as much power there as Black Lives Matter does at the New York Times. The city has been sacked by barbarians — or as the liberal media calls them, “peaceful protesters.”

Antifa brownshirts have been wreaking havoc for 6 weeks straight:

[L]ocal businesses have reported $23 million in losses due to looting and rioting that have gripped its downtown area since the end of May.

Demonstrators have been seen lighting mattresses on fire and setting off fireworks in the streets.

Lacking serious opposition, leftist goons grow ever more aggressive:

Just this weekend, a federal officer protecting a closed courthouse was struck in the head and shoulder with a hammer as protesters attempted to break down the court’s door. The courthouse suffered an estimated $50,000 in damages, according to KGW.

Have a look at the hammer. That was attempted murder. I’m no lawyer, but I would guess that assault with the intent to kill when the victim is a federal officer performing his duties qualifies as insurrection, especially given that Antifa openly advocates overthrowing our system of government. Pace the media, this is not “protest.” It is violent revolution.

Federal officers have had to be deployed to defend federal properties, because having succumbed to liberalism, local officials will not maintain public order. Wheeler has predictably sided with the rioters.

Fueled by the liberal establishment’s support of Black Lives Matter, the situation will continue to escalate until federal authorities employ lethal force. When they do, the media will eagerly exploit it to create pro-rioter propaganda.

Meanwhile,

Deputy Police Chief Chris Davis … pledged support for the Black Lives Matter movement…

Signaling submission is not an effective means of warding off bullies.

The collapse of law and order has had the same effect on crime rates that we have seen elsewhere:

Portland witnessed a 380 percent increase in shootings over the past year. Five homicides occurred within a 24 hour period this weekend.

You can do the same thing to your own town. Just keep voting Democrat.

Conservative Resurgence has more on how the situation in Portland has been deteriorating:

moonbattery.com/portland-sacked-by-barbarians/