An episode of urban violence shook the Remblai or embankment and the large beach of Sables-d’Olonne on the night of July 14 to 15, 2020.

According to sources, the security forces intervened to calm and separate African and Arab youths – more than 150 – in the seaside town in Western France, on the Atlantic Ocean.

“But when they saw people in blue coming, they got together to attack the cops. They took bottles and everything they had on hand,” a witness told actu.fr.

The National Police Alliance union, which estimated the number of youths closer to 200, called the mob of migrants “an urban guerrilla – our colleagues received fireworks and glass bottles from the beach”.

“These were young people, even very young people,” according to a source close to the investigation, who also spoke of gangs from La Roche-sur-Yon and Le Mans who had come to battle in Les Sables-d’Olonne.

Faced with the large number of aggressors, no arrests were possible, police sources said.

On the previous day, violence broke out in several places in the country, against the backdrop of a national holiday. BFM Paris reported, with supporting images, that numerous mortar and firecracker launches were heard in Île-de-France.

In Vitry-sur-Seine several vehicles were set on fire in a covered parking lot. In Étampes, in Essonne, a firefighter was shot after he intervened with his colleagues to douse a vehicle on fire. The fireman was the target, according to initial reports, of a small caliber rifle. Injured in the leg, the victim was taken to hospital.

On Twitter, a journalist from RT France reported that “several fireworks” had been aimed “in the direction of the police” in a general climate of tension. Several police officers were injured.

On the site of an institution attached to Matignon, the evolution of the presence of non-European immigration in many urban areas are mapped. The category “0-18 years old, Child of Immigrant Parent (Outside Europe)” shows the most relevant data of France’s demographic future.

freewestmedia.com/2020/07/17/urban-guerrillas-200-youths-clash-with-french-police-no-arrests/

The United States began to reach out to ethnic and racial minorities in France with the blessing of the American embassy in Paris.

The New York Times revealed that after September 11, 2001, the US became interested in sponsoring the global race debate.

With the death of George Floyd in the United States, the race movement quickly spread around the world. In France, the family of Adama Traoré, took advantage of this racial focus on Africans to relaunch the 2016 affair of the young black man’s death.

More broadly, France has seen the emergence of many figures claiming to be “anti-racist” and “anti-colonialist”. According to the New York Times, this new racial policy in France is in fact directly imported from the United States, with the help of the State Department.

The American daily explained that in recent decades, “many black French people have gone through a racial awakening, helped by the pop culture of the United States, its thinkers, and even its diplomats based in Paris, who have spotted and encouraged young black French leaders”.

To exploit this potential, the US State Department has been involved in training young French activists in the making by recruiting them and sending them to the United States to take courses on “managing ethnic diversity”.

In Paris, the New York Times revealed that “the embassy even organized educational programs on subjects like affirmative action, a taboo concept in France”.

This initiative has riled many French conservative elected officials, according to the daily, who fear an “Americanization” of French society and a “fragmentation of the country”. In addition, this American maneuver is not new. The New York Times highlighted that “the US embassy in Paris began to reach out to ethnic and racial minorities in France after the September 11, 2001 attacks, as part of a global campaign to ‘win hearts and minds’”.

But winning hearts and minds – an American campaign that has failed miserably in Afghanistan – seemingly entails inventing racial narratives that do not exist.

On Thursday, July 16, the relatives of Adama Traoré, filed a complaint with the Paris prosecutor’s office for “false testimony” against a key witness, reported French tabloid le Parisien. The witness in question is the man with whom Traoré had taken refuge during his escape. As recently as on July 2, in the presence of family and defence lawyers, Adama’s sister Assa had described his testimony as “essential”.

She explained on Twitter that the witness “made important statements” during his interrogation, but when she found out what he had really said less than two weeks later, Assa Traoré changed her mind.

Legal experts believe that Adama died before his arrest. “Expert” reports ordered by the family claim the opposite. The key witness has now confirmed that Adama Traoré “made no noise” when he was on the threshold of his apartment and said he “guaranteed” that “he [Adama] was not well at all”. In particular, the witness stated during his last hearing that Adama Traoré told him “I am going to die”. There were no police officers present at that time.

Therefore, Adama could not have died at the hands of the police as his family members have claimed. But the Traorés have been receiving US funding to advance the notion that French police officers killed Adama.

According to several US polling organisations, US senior military staff officers voted overwhelmingly for Hillary Clinton during the 2016 presidential elections, while rank-and-file soldiers voted overwhelmingly for Donald Trump.

Thus, on Columbus Day, the United States Army sent out an email to all of its civilian and military staff denouncing “white supremacism”. The thrust of the message was that celebrating Columbus Day, denying “white privilege” and claiming that there is only one human race, are only concerns of the far right.

The email was sent by the Army’s Equity and Inclusion Agency as part of its Operation Inclusion, and was signed by Casey Wardynski, the Assistant Secretary of the Army in charge of Manpower and Reserve Affairs. But because the email contravened the Hatch Act which prohibits any form of political engagement, the Pentagon quickly retracted it.

Hillary Clinton has meanwhile expressed her desire to see African-Americans and Hispanics – including illegal immigrants – vote on the internet to ensure Donald Trump’s defeat. On 13 July 2020 during an interview on the Daily Show, Clinton brushed off objections about the security of the electronic system, claiming it was trustworthy.

freewestmedia.com/2020/07/17/us-state-department-recruited-and-trained-french-race-activists/

I remember back when the New York Times had its own classical musical station. The Times was always toxic, but there was a time when there was more to it than viewing every damn thing through the lens of its political agenda. Which, at the moment, is race.

“With their major institutions founded on white European models and obstinately focused on the distant past, classical music and opera have been even slower than American society at large to confront racial inequity.”

Obstinately. 

A genre whose high points occurred centuries ago is, get this, “obstinately” focused on the distant past. Why can’t it just go Skillrex?

But we are dealing with progressives here. And being focused on the distant past, as opposed to the unreachable utopia at the end of the socialist rainbow, is a bad thing. A thoughtcrime. Wrongthink. And, considering the current racial lens on everything, racist.

Nine Black performers spoke with The New York Times about steps that could be taken to begin transforming a white-dominated field. 

Some are reasonable. Most involve affirmative action. And some go beyond that. 

“The first step is admitting that these organizations are built on a white framework built to benefit white people. Have you done the work to create a structure that is actually benefiting Black and brown communities?”

Classical music is meant to benefit people who like classical music. That’s a minority of white or black people. The community it benefits isn’t racial, it’s based on affinity. 

Anyway let’s cut to the Unmake Classical Music section of this.

I would like changes to be made in how we train musicians in conservatories and universities. A lot of our thinking, and our perceptions of what’s good music, becomes indoctrinated at that stage.  I say this because even though I’m a person of color, I was guilty of not being accepting of new voices and styles outside of Beethoven, Schumann, all the usual music of the past.

There are plenty of classical musicians who enjoy rock, jazz, hip-hop, and assorted musical styles.

Being a classical musician does not mean rejecting all genres of music, but it does mean focusing on one. Dismissing it as the “usual music of the past” is, like the “obstinate” jab, revealing of a mindset which is hostile to classical music.

“If we reinvent what the opera or classical music audience is, we won’t have the disparities in people hired, people attending, even what’s presented, because you will have different people coming up with new ideas.”

Audiences invent themselves.

People decide what they want to listen to. That is their job. Any functioning adult develops his or her own tastes. There are things that can be done to introduce children to classical music. But that’s really a job for parents and schools. The burden isn’t on institutions, many of whom are already struggling, to launch some sort of giant outreach programs.

When we did “Champion” in New Orleans, this African-American guy in his 70s said, “If this is opera, I will come.” That’s a new audience member we didn’t have before. “La Bohème” doesn’t mean anything to him. But these contemporary stories do.

Good for him, but contemporary opera is frankly terrible. Doing it, white or black, means lowering quality and, inevitably going to political messaging. The great operas were written in the past. Trashing them because the past is now bad would kill classical music.

 Some people see a Black tenor, and they think Otello. Or they see a Black soprano and they think Aida. “Who wants to see a Black Cio-Cio San?” You’ll hear that. But yes, opera is a suspension of disbelief. When someone does “Eugene Onegin,” they will often cast someone Russian or fluent in Russian. It doesn’t have to be who you expect. There are other people who can sing it. 

One of these things is not like the other. You can have someone of any color sing a role. But being fluent in the language is obviously important. Russian is hard for anyone who isn’t Russian, regardless of their race. Learning to do it is a commitment.

Paul Robeson, a Stalinist and execrable human being, but a talented singer, learned to sing in Russian, when he was doing his endless tour of the USSR. Like anything else, it takes hard work and discipline. It’s not about color, but learning to sing in multiple languages is part of the job. 

https://www.frontpagemag.com/point/2020/07/new-york-times-make-classical-music-more-diverse-daniel-greenfield/

by Giulio Meotti

This is a novel Timothée de Fombelle had the idea to write thirty years ago. He was thirteen when his parents took him to Ghana. “We got there on the tracks and there, on the coast, we could see where the Dutch, the French and the British kept the slaves over two centuries ago before sending them to America or the Caribbean. The vegetation had invaded the place, but there were still the rings hanging on the wall and images that I will never forget … “.

Thus was born the idea of​​”Alma”, released in France by Gallimard. Hundreds of thousands of children around the world have read De Fombelle’s books. De Fombelle wrote some of the most beautiful works of French children’s literature.

The first volume of a three-volume saga, “Alma” tells the story of an African girl during the period of slavery and evokes her struggle for abolition. But French success will not be repeated in English. Unlike all his previous works, this one by de Fombelle will not be published in England or the United States. He may be an excellent writer, but de Fombelle is white and as such he cannot deal with the subject of slavery.

“From Walker Books, my English publisher who has a branch in the United States, I was warned from the beginning,” said the writer to Le Point.

“A fascinating but too delicate topic, I was told: when one is white, therefore on the side of those who exploited blacks, one cannot take possession of the history of slavery. They liked the book, but for the first time they won’t publish it”.

In “Alma”, the heroine’s name, de Fombelle takes the reader aboard the ship “Douce Amélie” in 1786, which transports hundreds of slaves to France. The ideological “crime” of which the writer is now accused emerged in the 1980s and is called “cultural appropriation” – that is when the “dominant” culture takes elements from a minority or “dominated” culture.

“That a white man can tell the story of the slave trade from the point of view of slaves, even if this story is obviously not his own, is for me the very definition of literature,” said de Fombelle, defending the very basis of literature. But so it goes now.

Now the statue of Victor Schoelcher in front of the old Palais de Justice in Fort-de-France in Martinique is thrown to the ground and shattered to pieces. Why? Because the atheist dandy with a humanitarian vocation who abolished slavery in France, is, for the new anti-racists, actually a crypto racist. And it doesn’t matter that the poet of negritude, Aimé Césaire, celebrated him with the words: “Against the propensity for tyranny, there is an antidote: the spirit of Victor Schoelcher”.

Today a white man cannot even write a story about slaves, let alone free them. He can only kneel and keep silent.

Western culture has contracted mad cow disease. I am still wondering what happened to it. And how it happened.The new demographic power of minorities? The self-laceration of humanities? The construction of a new ideological consensus?

Many questions. Many worries that the West is in such a decadent situation that it will never be able to return, never be able to recover.

http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/283698

Hence, despite their innate aspiration to membership, young people are told at university that they come from nowhere and belong to nothing: that all preexisting forms of membership are null and void. They are offered a rite of passage into cultural nothingness, since this is the only way to achieve the egalitarian goal. They are given, in place of the old beliefs of a civilization based on godliness, judgment, and distinction, the new beliefs of a society based in equality and inclusion; they are told that the judgment of other lifestyles is a crime. If the purpose were merely to substitute one belief system for another, it would be open to rational debate. But the purpose is to substitute one community for another.

But what is the alternative? If the universities do not propagate the culture that was once entrusted to them, where else can young people go in search of it? Some thoughts in answer to that question were suggested by experiences that began for me in 1979. The writings of Foucault, Deleuze, and Bourdieu were then beginning to make waves at the University of London, where I taught. My students were being told on every side that there is no such thing as knowledge in the humanities and that universities exist not to justify culture as a form of knowledge but to unmask it as a form of power.

In response I asked myself what exactly I was trying to teach, and why. By introducing students to the great works of philosophy, literature, and criticism that I had absorbed at school and university, I felt that I was offering them the frame of reference, the store of speculations, the paradigms of insight and allusion, through which to understand their world. I was offering them membership in a culture, not as a body of doctrine but as an ongoing conversation. And this, I felt, was a form of real knowledge: not knowledge of facts and theories, but knowledge of what to feel, how to relate, and with whom to belong. Yet this body of knowledge, as I assumed it to be, was now dismissed as bourgeois ideology, or—in Foucault’s idiom—as the episteme, the accumulated savoir, of a dominating class.

One day an invitation came to me, by word of mouth, to address an underground seminar in Prague. I accepted; as a result, I was brought into contact with people for whom the pursuit of knowledge and culture was not a dispensable luxury but a necessity. Nothing else could provide them with what they sought, which was an escape route from the world of lies by which they were surrounded. And by discussing the Western cultural heritage among themselves, they were marked out as heretics, who risked arrest and imprisonment merely for meeting as they did. Ironically, perhaps the greatest intellectual achievement of the Communist party was to convince people that Plato’s distinction between knowledge and opinion is a valid one, and that ideological opinion is not merely distinct from knowledge but the enemy of knowledge, the disease implanted in the human brain that makes it impossible to distinguish true ideas from false ones. That was the disease spread by the Party. And it was spread by Foucault, too. For it was Foucault who taught my colleagues to evaluate every idea, every argument, every institution, convention, or tradition in terms of the “domination” that it masks. Truth and falsehood had no real significance in Foucault’s world; all that mattered was power.

These issues had been brought into sharp relief for the Czechs and Slovaks by ­Václav Havel’s essay “The Power of the Powerless” (1978), enjoining his compatriots to “live in truth.” How could they do that, if they were unable to distinguish the true from the false? And how could they distinguish the true from the false without the benefit of real culture and real knowledge? Hence the search for those things had become urgent. And the price of that search was high—harassment, arrest, deprivation of ordinary rights and privileges, and a life on the margins of society. When something has a high moral price, only committed people will pursue it. I therefore found, in the underground seminars, a unique student body—people dedicated to ­knowledge, as I understood it, and aware of the ease and the danger of replacing knowledge with mere opinion. Moreover, they were looking for knowledge in the place where it is most necessary and also hardest to find—in philosophy, history, art, and literature, in the places where critical understanding, rather than scientific method, is our only guide. And what was most interesting to me was the urgent desire among all my new students to inherit what had been handed down to them. They had been raised in a world where all forms of belonging, other than submission to the ruling Party, had been marginalized or denounced as crimes. They understood instinctively that a cultural heritage is precious, precisely because it offers a rite of passage into the thing that you truly are and the community of feeling that is yours.

There was another winsome feature of the underground seminars, which is that their intellectual resources were so sparse. Academics in the West are obliged to publish articles and books if they are to advance in their careers, and in the years since the Second World War this had led to a proliferation of literature that, if not always second-rate from the intellectual point of view, has almost invariably been without literary merit—stodgy, cluttered with footnotes, without telling imagery or turns of phrase, and both ephemeral in content and impossible to ignore. The weight of this pseudo-literature oppresses both teachers and students in the humanities, and it is now all but impossible to unearth the classics that lie buried beneath it.

I sometimes think that the greatest service to our culture was done by the person who set fire to the library at Alexandria, thereby ensuring that nothing survived of that mass of literature, other than those works considered so precious that each educated person would have a copy of his own. The communists had performed a similar service to intellectual life in Czechoslovakia, by preventing the publication of anything save those works deemed so precious that people were prepared to produce them in laborious samizdat editions. These would be passed from hand to hand and read with eager interest by people for whom knowledge, rather than career advancement, was the goal. How refreshing this was, after the life among academic journals and footling footnotes!

Of course, the circumstances of the underground seminars were unusual and nobody would want to reproduce them. Nevertheless, during the ten years that I worked with others to turn these private reading groups into a structured (if clandestine) university, I learned two very important truths. The first is that a cultural inheritance really is a body of knowledge and not a collection of opinions—knowledge of the human heart, and of the long-term vision of a human community. The second is that this knowledge can be taught, and that it does not require a vast investment of money to do this, certainly not the $50,000 per student per year that is demanded by an Ivy League university. It requires a handful of books that have passed the test of time and are treasured by all who truly study them. It requires teachers with knowledge and students eager to acquire it. And it requires the continuing attempt to express what one has learned, either in essays or in the face-to-face encounter with a critic. All the rest—administration, information technology, lecture halls, libraries, extracurricular resources—is, by comparison, an insignificant luxury.

When institutions are incurably corrupted, as the universities were corrupted under communism, we must begin again, even if the cost is as high as it was in Soviet-occupied Europe. For us the cost is not so high. The most precious gift of our civilization, and the one that was most under threat during the twentieth century, is the freedom to associate. Because this freedom still exists, and nowhere more than in America, the fact that we can no longer entrust our high culture to the universities matters less. The fate of Harvard and Yale is inevitably of general concern; but there are also places like St. John’s College in Annapolis, or Hillsdale College in Michigan, where people who believe in the old curriculum are prepared to teach it. There are private reading groups, online courses, associations of scholars, think tanks, and public-lecture series. There are institutions like the Intercollegiate Studies Institute, which offers a rescue service for students beaten down by political correctness. There are journals like this one, which serve as a focal point for discussions that, after all, do not need a university in order to take place. It seems to me that we have allowed ourselves to be intimidated into the belief that, because universities have libraries, laboratories, learned professors, and substantial endowments, they are also indispensable repositories of knowledge. In the sciences this is true. But it is no longer true in the humanities.

However, the way forward is not as clear as the defenders of the old curriculum would like it be. Great Books programs, surveys of our cultural heritage, the comparative study of Western art, music, and architecture—all these are obvious choices. But why? What is it that distinguishes those programs from the courses in pop music, strip cartoons, and gender studies that so easily step in to replace them? To say that the traditional curriculum contained real knowledge as opposed to ephemeral distractions is to beg the question. For we don’t know what knowledge really consists in. We feel it, of course, as my Czech students felt it. We feel the call of the culture that is ours, and we want to say that, in responding to this call, we are leaving the world of opinion and entering the world of knowledge. But why?

Answers to date are either trivial—as when ­Matthew Arnold tells us, in Culture and Anarchy, that a high culture consists of the “best that has been thought and said”—or else some version of the Enlightenment view that cultural knowledge involves transcending the particular into the universal, replacing our constricted loyalties and imagined communities with some cosmopolitan ideal. And it is a small step from this Enlightenment position to the multicultural and egalitarian curriculum that espouses the human universal only because everything distinctive of a real cultural inheritance has been removed from it. Until we come up with something better than those two approaches, we will not, I suspect, escape the grip of the universities, or feel confident enough to start again without them.

https://www.firstthings.com/article/2015/04/the-end-of-the-university

A few days ago another incident took place in which we had to make everyday arrangements with migrants. The location was Hennigsdorf in the state of Brandenburg. A so-called “cultural conflict” broke out in a station tunnel, a German dared to reprimand two Afghans for loud music.The guests from the Hindu Kush didn’t hesitate for long and got rowdy, with one of the guests giving the “one who has been living here for a longer time” (this is how Chancellor Angela Merkel calls “ethnic Germans”) a lesson in combat power.

The rebellious German defended himself with ” defence spray” in the emergency situation and got a preliminary investigation for “serious” bodily injury.

This is the wording of the police report on the incident:

A 20-year-old as well as a 23-year-old Afghan man were in the station tunnel on Monday ( July 13, 2020) around 4.45 pm and were listening there very loud music. A 33-year-old German approached the two Afghans and told them to turn down the music. The Afghans then bullied the German and the 20-year-old punched the German in the face.The 33-year-old took a defensive spray and sprayed it against the Afghans. He then escaped and called the police. A charge of assault was filed against the 20-year-old, and an investigation was initiated against the 33-year-old for dangerous bodily harm. The Afghans were treated as outpatients on site by paramedics.

politikstube.com/hennigsdorf-deutscher-wehrt-sich-gegen-afghanen-und-erntet-ermittlungsverfahren/

“Death to Armenians” and “Order Us to Go to War” were some of the slogans being chanted on Tuesday night in Baku’s main Azadliq (Liberty) Square where thousands of protesters were demanding an all out war with Armenia, after 11 Azerbaijani soldiers, among a them a high-ranking general, were killed during three days of fighting after Azerbaijani forces attempted to breach the border with Armenia at Tavush Province on Sunday.

Observers are describing the Wednesday rally as one of the largest in Azerbaijan. The Turan news agency estimated the crowd to number at 50,000 who are angry at the losses suffered by Azerbaijani forces at the border and were calling for the government to declare war.

Before the protest was dispersed by police, a number of demonstrators briefly occupied the parliament building.

The lasted well into the early hours of Wednesday morning. Demonstrators chanted a number of pro-war slogans, including: “End the quarantine, start the war,” “order us to go to war,” “Hey soldier, get up and cross that border” and the tried and true Azerbaijani slogan: “Death to Armenians.”

In addition to chanting pro-war slogans, the protesters also called for the resignation of Najmaddin Sadigov the long-serving Armed Forces Chief of Staff and Deputy Defense Minister.

The demonstration comes as reports were confirmed that Azerbaijani units had surrounded their own villages on the border and were using civilians as human shields in their advance toward the Armenian border.

According to Azerbaijani media, a smaller gathering of several thousand people rallied in nearby Sumgait, where the body Major-General Polad Gashimov, the high-ranking Azerbaijani official killed on Monday, was due to arrive. Gashimov is reportedly the highest ranking member of Azerbaijan’s armed forced to be killed in combat since Azerbaijan broke away from the USSR.

Of course, Sumgait is the Azerbaijani city where thousands of Armenians were brutally massacred in 1988 after hundreds of thousands of Armenians in Stepanekert rose up to call for Artsakh’s reunification with Armenia–expressing their right to self-determination–sparking the Artsakh Liberation Movement.

Government officials arrived at the rally to try and calm the crowd, seemingly to no avail. At one point, protestors apparently overturned a police vehicle.

In the early hours of Wednesday, riot police moved in and began to disperse the crowds with batons and water cannons, making numerous arrests. Tear gas was also reportedly used. Reportedly, some 100 people were arrested.

http://asbarez.com/195350/death-to-armenians-thousands-rally-in-baku-demanding-war-with-armenia/?fbclid=IwAR1ezK4C_FpimyguxpWEU5pvzkcthYZO3cHu1DbZmPlr3uKf5zBX76svjG8

Last month, during the Black Lives Matter protests, demonstrators in Bristol, England, threw the statue of slave trader Edward Colston into the River Avon. However, on Wednesday, a new statue depicting one of the BLM protesters appeared on the plinth of the removed statue.

The piece was created by British artist Marc Quinn, who was inspired by a photo posted on social media networks, which depicts the protester Jen Reid as she stepped on an empty plinth and raised her right fist.

“My friend … showed me a picture on Instagram of Jen standing on the plinth in Bristol with her fist in a Black Power salute,” said Quinn, who contacted Reid to get her permission to create the sculpture.

Quinn officially called his work A Surge of Power (Jen Reid) 2020. However, the sculpture, created from black resin, will probably not remain on the plinth as the artist did not discuss putting up the piece with local authorities.

Bristol Mayor Marvin Rees confirmed that the installation of the statue had not been requested or authorized by the city on his Twitter account.

However, Quinn has already prepared a back-up plan for the statue, intending to sell it and donate the profits to two charities that promote the inclusion of Black history in school curricula.

While many have praised the statue, some people on social media pointed out that the Black Lives Matter movement is also related to the attempts of the radical left to dismantle current economic and social structures.

“I find it hard to believe people with lifting gear erect that statue and nobody saw it, no CCTV captured anything? Something stinks in Bristol…its the wiping of history and culture and replacing it with a Marxist culture that’s never worked anywhere. Do something,” says one of the comments under the Bristol Mayor´s post.

rmx.news/article/article/statue-of-blm-protester-replaces-one-of-bristol-slave-trader

The number of members and supporters of the US and EU-designated terrorist organization the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) has dramatically increased in Germany, The Jerusalem Post can report.According to a review of the newly released German domestic intelligence service report, the number of PFLP members rose from 100 in 2018 to 120 in 2019. The intelligence report was released on Friday and covers the period of 2019.

The report noted that there are 120 PFLP “members/supporters in Germany.” An exact breakdown of members and supporters was not outlined. It is unclear what caused the 20% increase; the document provided no explanation.The Post has observed PFLP activity at the annual al-Quds march in Berlin that calls for the destruction of the Jewish state. The founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. created the al-Quds (Jerusalem) global rally.Writing in the Post in May, Jonathan Spyer, director of the Middle East Center for Reporting and Analysis, noted that “This growing PFLP-Iran connection is not a new revelation. It has been well reported in recent years.”The PFLP was founded in 1967 and is animated by a Marxist-Leninist doctrine coupled with radical Arab nationalism.The German intelligence officials wrote that the “PFLP rejects Israel’s existence” and “propagates an armed struggled” against Israel. According to the report, the terrorist group cooperates with other foreign terrorist jihadi political movements such as Hamas and Hezbollah.

The report said that the PFLP has carried out terrorist attacks resulting in victims. “And here the PFLP reveals its antisemitic character” by targeting Jewish Israelis, wrote the intelligence officials. It denies this antisemitism to the outside world.The PFLP is not active as a terrorist group in Germany, noted the report. However, it is unclear from the report if the PFLP members and supporters use Germany as a financial pipeline to send money to the group and other terrorist entities in the Middle East.“The supporters active here spread anti-Israel propaganda in particular and try to generate political support. The PFLP also maintains contacts with German left-wing extremism, especially with the Marxist-Leninist Party of Germany (MLPD) and the anti-imperialist spectrum,” wrote the authors.In 2014, two PFLP members murdered four rabbis and a police officer in a Jerusalem synagogue.While the EU and the US have labeled the PFLP a terrorist entity, Germany refuses to ban the group. The Post first reported in April that the German government issued a four-year travel ban against Khaled Barakat, a senior member of the PFLP who allegedly supports terrorism and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement against the Jewish state. Barakat has also provided material aid to the Lebanese terrorist movement Hezbollah. PFLP members and supporters are highly active in the German BDS campaign against Israel. 

jpost.com/international/big-increase-of-palestinian-terrorist-supporters-from-pflp-in-germany-635078?utm_source=iterable&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=1361246_